A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ETHNIC PLURALISM AND POWER
POLITICS IN NIGERIA
By
Afeez Tijani Osumah
Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social Sciences, Obafemi Awolowo University (OAU), Ile-Ife, Nigeria. Phone: + (234) 07065020634, E-mail: [email protected]
ABSTRACT
Political power is a key issue in Nigeria politics; this is because of diverse ethnic groups that composed of Nigeria as a sovereign state. These ethnic diversities in Nigeria has been characterized as major issue that is causing unhealthy struggles for the access to political and economic power and the resources of the country at large. The ethnic factor is seen as the main causes of conflictual malady in the country immediately after independence of Nigeria up till today. Political power is very germane in every country not only in Nigeria that has ethnic plurality, but many countries of the world and the frictions are restricted to the nearest minimum. The case of Nigeria is abating and frequent crises in the allocation of resources and power. The aim of this paper is to critically shed light to Ethnic pluralism and power politics in Nigeria, purportedly to reduce frictions between the ethnic groups and achieve national development with basic integration among diverse ethnic nationalities in the country, Nigeria. Besides the leadership question, Nigerians need an orientation on peaceful co-existence and constitutional amendments in ensuring a true federal system where the other levels of government will control a substantial amount of their resources.
Key words: Ethnic Group, Government, State, Politics, Power, National Diversities
INTRODUCTION
Nigeria is a plural society with different cleavages –ethnics, religious, cultural, linguistic as well as geo-political social and economic development – but ethnic heterogeneity is inarguably, the most pervasive of them all. The problem ethnicity poses is that political competition and access to power is overtly drawn along ethnic lines. Again, since Nigeria federalism is based on ethnic and not geographical diversities, it has tended to exacerbate centrifugal forces in the country. Therefore, the struggle for acquisition and access to power in Nigeria has been patterned largely along ethnic lines.
Thus, there seems to be no limit to the unhealthy political crisis as an issue in Nigeria, for as long as ethnic chauvinists and political merchants keep protecting their ethnic group in order to solve the alleged marginalization grow to the detriment of Nigerian nationalism, there has been a growing attitude of antagonisms and lack of trust among Nigerians.
This paper seeks to explore the roots and nature of ethnic pluralism and politics in Nigeria, especially as it relates to the fundamental political issues in Nigeria to satisfy ethnic sentiments. The paper argues that as a Nigerian people, the various ethnic nationalities need to learn to live together rather than struggling for larger allocation of scarce resources to them self alone.
1.1CONCEPTUAL DISCOURSE AND THEORETICAL ISSUES
1.1.1 ETHNIC GROUPS
An ethnic group has been defined as ‘consisting of interacting members who define themselves as belonging to a labeled social group whose interest they identify and which manifests certain aspects of a unique culture while constituting a part of a wider society. Therefore, ethnic group has to do with the composition of interacting members who lives in a particular area with similarity in their behavior towards political, economic and socio- cultural beliefs and aspirations. Moreover, Okwudiba Nnoli (1978) defines ethnic group as “social formations distinguished by the communal character of their boundaries”. The prominent communal factors may be language, culture or both. The social formations of ethnic groups are not necessarily homogenous entities, both linguistically and culturally.
Furthermore, ethnic groups may be defined as ‘categories of people characterized by language, value system and normative behavior and whose members are anchored in a particular part of a new state territory’. This implies that a particular ethnic group shares the same language, values that define them and same norms that influence their particular behavior towards a core cultural pattern, and some of their members may be carved into another new state territory i.e. artificial territory made by colonial masters.
The above definitions have tended to emphasis on common interests, common identity, common language and sentiments, certain general core values which tend and distinguish members of one ethnic group from other groups in the society. These groups co-operate and compete with one another for economic, political and social fronts based on the allocation of scarce resource that is within a state. This ethnic competition for scarce resources is the bane of ethnicity that leads to unhealthy relationship among diverse ethnic groups in Nigeria.
1.1.2STATE
There are series of definitions of the state provided by various scholars and philosophers, all of which serve to clarify and elucidate the generic meaning of the state. Robert Jordan (1978:34) the term ‘state’ applies to that political authority which maintains domination over a specific geographical area. This authority is usually defined by a constitution which provides for the institutions of government that are necessary to ensure internal stability and external security. Moreover, such a constitution is usually based on widely shared and accepted concepts of justice and equity. Essentially, there is the monopoly of force which distinguishes the state from its constituency groups and associations.
However, according to Okoli and Okoli (1990) a state is politically independent, territorially defined, group of people, possessing a government that is subordinate to none other, and monopolizing the coercive instruments of compulsory in the enforcement of its decisions. Harold Laski (1967) states that a state represents the supreme coercive power in any given political community. Johnson Anyaele (1994), defines the term ‘state’ as a politically organized body of people occupying a definite geographical territory with an organized government entirely free from external control and with coercive power to secure obedience from its citizens and others. State here represent a country such as Nigeria, Ghana, Togo, India, France, Poland, Sweden, Spain, Brazil and Canada to mention few, and not state like Oyo, Edo, Kano, Lagos, Enugu, Cross-river etc.
Therefore a state is an organized body of people, occupying a geographical territory with functional government, which has sovereign independence and can enter into agreement with other state in the world.
1.1.3POLITICS
Politics as it connotes is very prevalent in all sphere of human existence that is as old as human history. With many definitions of politics, it is very salient to the development of the political community. Politics has however been defined by Harold Lasswell (1958) as an empirical science that studies the shaping and sharing of power about ‘who get what, when and how’. This implies that politics extend beyond the realm of state affairs. It therefore bothers on whether power the main object of politics is obtained as an end in itself to ensure binding decisions or as a means to an end.
Among the variants of this conception of politics, David Easton’s (1965) definition of politics as activities involving the authoritative allocation of values and resources within a society has been for long time, the most popular. However its assertion that politics is essentially about allocations that are “authoritative” is arguable. Political scientists ordinarily use the term “authoritative” to describe acts or decisions of a sovereign government that all citizens must accept or comply with. According to Verma Vandal (1980) defines politics as the struggles among actors pursuing conflicting desires on public issues. Class is a term used to categorize groups of people participating in the production of economic or material goods that are needed in any society.
Therefore, politics is referred to as all the issues and events that involve the struggle for acquisition of power to control the resources of the state in order to benefits one person or groups of people /ethnic group.
1.1.4POWER
Since the time of Greek city- state, political philosophers have focused on ‘power’ as the major key aspect of the political situation. Political power has, however been defined (Adebola, 1993:6) as the ability to compel or influence others to do what they would otherwise not to do. However, this definition of power is center on the use of force by the person exercising this power on the subjects, and the subjects must comply with what he has commanded. He can do this by using threat of punishment if they disobey him. Moreover, power is exercised in all human relations.
Therefore, political power has however been defined ‘as the capacity to affect another’s behavior by some form of sanctions.’ In other words, the sanctions can be in form of inducement or coercion. It is an inducement when compliance comes with promises of wealth or honour by leaders to their supporters and threat of denial of such rewards to their opponents. It is coercive when people are compelled to take certain courses of action for fear of applications of sanctions or threat. So, in this sense power implies the ability to compel compliance. Similarly, the oxford concise dictionary of politics sees power as the ability to make people (or things) does what they would not otherwise have done. The dictionary sees power to be concerned with which groups or individuals dominate, get their way or are best able to pursue their interests in societies.
Generally, political power can be regarded as the ability to make or carry out binding decisions affecting the whole or larger society. This implies that the various ethnic groups in Nigeria tends to use political power against one another based on the allocation of scarce resources and making decisions on policy that affect the country at large.
1.2THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK
The theoretical model that will be used to explains ethnic pluralism and power politics in Nigeria is Modern Conflict Theory as propounded by Wright Mill, who is called the founder of modern conflict theory. Conflict theory generally is based on the writing of Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. This theory is very important to elucidate the ethnic and political crises that Nigeria as a nation state encountered in pre- independence and post-independence periods. The ethnic crises that arises as a result of suspecting one ethnic group from another, for the allocation of scarce resources, is the main issue that resulted into frictions between and among the ethnic groups in Nigeria. The conflict theory is very essential to analyze the major crises between ethnic groups in the manipulation of election results, census results, god father and godson, political instability, revenue allocation, looting of treasury, civil war, Nepotism and tribalism, corruption, poverty, resource control etc. and leads to the reduction in the level of integration and even development in Nigeria.
Therefore ethnic pluralism has caused set back to growth and development of the country with drastic mal-administration coupled with lack of integration of the ethnic groups in Nigeria. The crises of suspecting one ethnic group against another on the allocation of scarce resources is the bane of disunity in the country. The Hausa-Fulani try as much as possible to amass the country’s resources for themselves, while the Yoruba, Igbo and other minority ethnic groups in southern Nigeria tries as much as possible to drag with the Hausa-Fulani of northern Nigeria. The issue of marginalization is what the minority ethnic groups in Nigeria always laying emphasis upon.
However, when an ethnic group try as much as possible to dominates other ethnic groups in the country with the national resources, that supposed to go round to all the diverse ethnic groups, it degenerates into unhealthy rivalry and marginalization issue will surfaces, then it will result into conflict between the ethnic groups in the country. This is where the conflict theory applies to the ethnic pluralism and power politics in Nigeria.
One of the explanations of conflict theory is that crises arise as a result of nature and behavior of man. Man due to his selfish tendencies of where he lives and his possession to outsmart his counterparts, in other to amass a larger amount of scarce resources for his own use alone so as to dominate its fellow men. This leads to war because man in his thinking, try as much as possible to use power [i.e. economic and political] to control the behavior of other men, to gain more resources for himself. Therefore, conflict theory is very central to vividly elucidate on the basis of ethnic pluralism and power politics played in Nigeria.
1.3HISTORY AND ASSUMPTIONS OF ETHNIC PLURALISM AND POWER
POLITICS IN NIGERIA
State came into been as a result of struggles between people in the society for scarce resources and also to safeguard their lives and properties. The socio- political dispute in the organization of man, which is referred to as state of nature led to the struggle of state creation. In Nigeria, for example, The Yoruba ethnic group is known for monarchical system where a king inherited the throne of his forefather through the consultation of Ifa Oracle in choosing the anointed one among other male children. The king is in the right position to make law and orders and also known as the leader of the people. Therefore, it is believed that if anyone in the community goes against the orders, which is pronounced by the king and his advisers (i.e. chiefs) such person will be heavily punished with his/her life. Moreover, people believed that God Almighty imposed such powers on king to direct the affairs of the community at large. This assumption is widely known in a community where monarchical system of government operates. Moreover, one of the political crises in Nigeria for example during the colonial period in 1929, Aba women Riot took place as a result of imposition and appointment of warrant chiefs on the indigenes and also the issue of women been taxed by the warrant chief in various communities in Igbo-land at that period of time and it leads to riot that spread across every part of the Eastern region of Nigeria (Adebola, 1993).
Ethnic politics and economic crisis has destroyed the socio-political affinity of Nigeria and caused the problem of disunity in the country. This is the bane of ethnic conflict among the ethnic groups in Nigeria, with unhealthy frictions, examples of such conflict is the Hausa-Fulani conflict with the Igbo and the Yoruba fighting with the Hausa-Fulani and so on. Nigeria is blessed with more than 250 ethnic groups and about 450 languages that existed in the country {Adebola, 1993}. Ethno –political crises such as the Kano riot of 1953, which broke out in the ancient city of Kano in Northern Nigeria. The nature of the riot was as a result of clashes between Northerners (Hausa–Fulani) and southerners made up of mainly the Yoruba and the Igbo’s. The riot that lasted for four days claimed many lives and many of the southerners were wounded. The remote cause of the riots was the strained relationship between the Northern and southern leaders over the motion of self government in 1956. The strained relationship started with a 1953 motion of self–government for Nigeria in 1956, presented in the floor of House of Representatives by a member of Action group (A.G) Chief Anthony Enahoro. The Northerners rejected the motion saying and replaced the 1956 self –government with the phrase “as soon as practicable’. The motion was adjourned by the north to favor them and with the tactics to delay the motion brought by A.G and NCNC. This led to the ‘eight point programmes’ from the northern Regional Legislative house, which they sought for secession. The tour that the delegates of A.G and N.CN.C. Led by Samuel Ladoke Akintola aimed at campaigning for self-government acted as the immediate cause of Kano riot. It sparked the chain of disorder that culminated into what is called the Kano riot.
Therefore, the crises within Action Group between chief Obafemi Awolowo and S.L. Akintola over leadership tussle in 1962, led to the expulsion of the Premier S.L. Akintola from the party and he formed his own party called UPP which later merged with NCNC in the western region and named NNDP, and later state of emergency that was placed on the region.
Another crisis that shook the foundation of Nigeria and threatened the unity of the country was the crisis that arose from the general election of 1964. In readiness for the election, all the political parties in the country polarized into two gigantic alliances. NCNC, AG, NPF, NEPU, UMBC formed the United Progressive Grand Alliance [UPGA] under the leadership of Dr. M.I. Opara and NPC, MWDF, NDC, Dynamic Party formed Nigeria National Alliance [NNA] led by sir Ahmadu Bello. The election that was conducted by Electoral Commission was witnessed by many obnoxious methods of malpractices which later resulted into many crises at both federal and regional level, which causes the 1965 Western Region Election Crises between S.L. Akintola and Dauda Adegbenro. And on the 15th of January 1966 the military took over the helms of affairs i.e. governance in Nigeria through coup d’état plotted by major Kaduna Nzeogu. This leads to thirty month civil war that almost wipes–out the existence of Nigeria as a virile nation state.
Therefore, the ethnic crises caused more frictions between the Hausa–Fulani and the Igbo ethnic group in the country, based on the evil effects of the coup d’état that claimed the lives of the prominent Hausa–Fulani and Yoruba leaders at the expense of Igbo coup plotters. The appointment of major General Aguiyi Ironsi as the Head of state and leader of the Army, gave more hope to the people that he will bring the coup plotters to book for prosecution. It was not easy for him to bring the army that carried–out the nefarious coup to book, and many Northerner suspected that an Igbo, Head of state, was unable to prosecute his Igbo brothers that carried out the coup. The tension between Hausa–Fulani and Igbo ethnic group resulted in what was described as counter coup, where many Igbo army officers were killed and as well as the, then Head of state, Major Aguiyi Ironsi on July 29, 1966. This resulted into the Genesis of Nigeria Civil war when a Northerner, Lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon assumed office as the Head of state. The military Governor of Eastern Nigeria, Lieutenant Colonel Odumegu Ojukwu did not receive him as an accepted leader of the country. His argument was that Brigadier Babafemi Ogundipe was next to major–General Aguiyi Ironsi should be the next Head of state and not lieutenant Colonel Yakubu Gowon. This is the ethnic conflict which has crippled into the army i.e. the Igbo’s were not in good terms with the Hausa–Fulani ascending top echelons of political power at federal level, while the Yoruba’s were not accepted by the Hausa –Fulani to become the Head of state in 1966. The tension was so high to the extent that it resulted into thirty months civil war from July 6, 1967 to July 1970.
However, the second Republic that ushered in the presidential system of government came on board on October, 1st 1979 to profess solution to the problem of ethnic or regional party formations in the country. The thirteen years of Military rule came to an end in 1979, when a democratically elected government emerged. Five Political associations were registered by the Federal Electoral Commission {FEDECO} which was headed by Michael Ani, to conduct the elections. The parties that were registered are: Unity Party of Nigeria {UNP} led by Obafemi Awolowo, National Party of Nigeria {NPN} led by Shehu Sagari, Nigerian Peoples Party {NPP} led by Nnamdi Azikiwe, Great Nigerian Peoples Party {GNPP} led by Waziri Ibrahim, and Peoples Redemption Party {PRP} led by Aminu Kano. In 1983, FEDECO registered another political party called Nigeria Advance Party {NAP} led by Tunji Braithwaite. Gubernatorial elections conducted at the state level on July 28th, 1979, the NPN led with 7 Governors in Sokoto, Bauchi, Niger, Benue, Cross river, and River State. The UPN came second with 5 Governors in Lagos, Ogun, Oyo, Bendel and Ondo. The NNP has 3 Governors in Imo, Anambra and Plateau states. The GNPP got 2 Governors in Borno and Gongola while the PRP won in Kano and Kaduna states.
The Presidential election was conducted by FEDECO on August 11th, 1979. Therefore, the Presidential election was very controversial because, before a candidate can be declared winner of the presidential election, by the provisions of the 1979 constitution, the candidate should win, a majority of vote cast and one quarter of the votes cast in not less than 2/3 of all the states in the federation. However, the NPN Presidential candidate Shehu Shagari scored the majority of vote cast in the election. FEDECO declared Shehu Shagari as the winner of the presidential election because he scored ¼ of the vote cast in 12 states. The other 4 political parties rejected the result of the election based on the constitutional requirements that he did not win ¼ of the votes cast in 2/3 of 19 states which they claimed was 13 states. The UPN leader, Obafemi Awolowo, challenged the result at the Tribunal which had been setup to hear election petitions. The three judges at the Tribunal ruled that FEDECO was right in declaring Shehu Shagari as duly elected. Moreso, Awolowo appealed to the Supreme Court, 7 justices of the Supreme Court heard the appeal. At the end of the hearing, 6 justices of the Supreme Court ruled that Shehu Shagari was duly elected, while 1 of them ruled that Shehu Shagari did not satisfied the condition of winning.
The political crises that occurred in the regime of General Ibrahim Babangida was so devastated to the extent that he annulled the freest and fair general elections in the country based on his hatred for the winner of the presidential election conducted on June 12, 1993. At the inception of the regime the head of state of General Ibrahim Babangida welcome the registration of political associations in October 7, 1989. Thirteen political associations were formed but he rejected them all. This leads to the formation of two political parties, namely, Social Democratic party (SDP) and National Republican convention (NRC). The two parties elected their presidential candidates at their party convention, towards the declaration of election results Chief M.K.O Abiola was leading within a very large number of vote cast in many state in the federation, but the Head of state cancelled the election and instituted interim National Government on August 27, 1993. This resulted in many crises in the political affinity of the country, Nigeria. The Yoruba felt that they were being marginalized by the Hausa-Fulani in their relations to produce the executive president of a newly democratic republic in 1993.
Therefore, General Abdul Salam Abubakar came into office in 1998 as the head of state lifted the ban on formation of political association. So, three political parties were formed, namely, Peoples’ Democratic Party (PDP), Alliance for Democracy (AD) and All Peoples’ Party (APP). The Hausa-Fulani tolerated the Yoruba’s to contest election on the banner of Peoples Democratic party (PDP) based on the scenario that Yoruba were being marginalized and this leads to the acceptance and recognition of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, a Yoruba man to contest election. Therefore, Chief Olusegun Obasanjo won the election that was conducted in 1999 and 2003 by Independence National Electoral Commission (INEC).
Furthermore, crises of god-father and god-son, resource control, Revenue allocation formula, corruption, poverty, unemployment etc. was the order of the day, during the administration of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo. The ethnic conflict and suspicious of one ethnic group with another on sharing of revenue that accrues from the sale of crude oil is one of the major socio-political and economic crises that she has witnessed up till today. And this has caused the real antagonistic relationship between the major ethnic groups, on the instance of distributing of the proceeds on crude oil to the various federating units, for even development and socio-political integration which is widely causing the problem based on ethnic superiority and marginalization crises in Nigeria.
1.4POLITICAL STRUCTURE AND ETHNIC POLITICS IN NIGERIA
“Nigeria is not a nation. It is a mere geographical expression. There are no “Nigerians” in the sense as there are “English”, “Welsh” or “French”. The word ‘Nigeria’ is merely a distinctive appellation to distinguish those who live within the boundaries of Nigeria from those who do not.” {Awolowo, 1947}
The expression above points to the misunderstanding conception of colonial Nigeria and unfortunately, since then, no appreciable effort has been made to redress the issues so basic, and so fundamental to the architecture of the nation. Nigeria did not emerge from the general will of the constituent ethnic groups but an imposition by the imperialists; this is one of the obvious reasons why there has been deep mistrust, fear of domination of an ethnic group, sharp competition for political positions and ethnic patronage which have driven a dangerous wedge of fragmentation in the fragile unity of the nation.
The architectural structures that the imperialists imposed on Nigeria during colonialism is the immediate cause of ethnicity and political struggles between diverse ethnic groups in suspecting one another on the allocation of natural resources i.e. ‘National cake’ and juicy political positions in the country. As Godwin Hembe submits, “The British colonial Administration in Nigeria was based on policies which tended to encourage ethnic consciousness and exclusiveness.” According to him, the local Administration, which was based on indirect rule system, depended on the utilization of pre-colonial institutions, which were modified to suit the purposes of colonial ideology.
Therefore, party politics started through the provisions of elective principles provided by the Clifford Constitution of 1922, then, the first political party that was formed in 1923, by Herbert Macaulay was called Nigerian National Democratic Party {NNDP}. This Political Party was based in Lagos and did not extend its tentacles to Calabar, on the assumptions that Lagos is the seat of government and the party lacks enough funds to carry out its function in Calabar, this makes the Political Party to lack National coloration, since majority of its members are majorly Yoruba ethnic group in the southern Nigeria.
However, The British Government adopted “Divide and Rule” policy of indirect rule system to colonize Nigeria, and it did not provide for even development across the two regions that made up of Nigeria, because the colonial Governor governs Northern region with Proclamations; why the Southern region was governed with the advice of the elective members of the legislative council subject to the approval of the Governor. The imperialist, believed that the Northern region has an organized system of centralization of power with a good system of taxation, which will help them to direct the affairs without any difficulties in administration.
Until 1947 Nigerians of the Northern and Southern regions never had the opportunity to interact as one people. The regionalism of the Richards’ Constitution of 1946 was reinforced by the McPherson Constitution of 1951, and the stage was set for ethno-regional politics. Consequently, all the political parties formed to contest political power had clearly defined tribal and ethnic bases. Giving this background, ethnicity and regionalism became the Nigerian political way of life and manipulation of some sentiments, the major preoccupation of politicians and the avenue to political power. It was this development that led to minority agitations for self determination in all the regions during the terminal phase of colonial rule.
In 1944, a political party called National Council of Nigerian and the Cameroon {NCNC} was formed by Sir Herbert Macaulay as chairman and leader of the party, while Nnamdi Azikiwe was the party secretary. When Sir Herbert Macaulay died in 1946, Nnamdi Azikiwe became the chairman and leader of the party. Therefore, the name of the party was changed to National Convention of Nigerian Citizens in 1957, the party was widely known as the Igbo party because majority of its members and supporters were mainly extractions from Igbo’s ethnic group. The NCNC formed eastern regional government at the region level. So, the formation of Northern Peoples’ Congress {NPC} in 1949, was a brain-child of a cultural organization known as Jami’yyar Mutauen Arewa, which was founded by notable eminent personalities in the North, and was led by Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sultan of Sokoto. This political party has its grips and based in the Northern region of Nigeria, where most of its members and supporters had a phantom of control. The Western region of Nigeria had Action Group {AG} as its regional party formed, from a pan Yoruba cultural association known as “Egbe Omo Oduduwa” founded in London in 1945 by Obafemi Awolowo. Therefore, Action Group as a political party was founded by Obafemi Awolowo in 1951 and he became its first chairman and leader of the party. Most of the followers and supporters of this party were mainly from the Yoruba ethnic group in the western region and it did not have greater supporters outside its region.
Be as it may, all these political parties both major and minor, were formed towards the terminal phase of colonial rule. The political parties that contested the 1959 parliamentary elections, were based on ethnic politics, that’s why they did not gains more influence and achievements outside their region. The elections into the Federal House of Representatives in 1959 did not produced the party with an outstanding number of seats as the winner in the general election, so the NPC and NCNC with some minor political parties formed a coalition government at the centre, because it had a larger number of seats and AG with his coalition formed an official opposition.
Table 1: Election into House of Representative on 12th December, 1959.
Political Parties
Votes
%
Seats
National Convention of Nigeria and the Cameroon
2,594,577
34.0
81
Action Group
1,992,364
26.1
73
National Peoples’ Congress
1,922,179
25.2
134
Northern Element Progressive Union
509,050
6.7
8
Mobolaji Grand Alliance
6
Igala Union
4
Independents
2
Independents
610,677
8.0
2
Igbira Tribal Union
1
Niger Delta Congress
1
Total
7,628,847
100
312
Source: African Election Database, Nohlen et al. 1999
NPC led coalition {148 seats}, NCNC led coalition {89 seats}, AG led coalition {75 seats}
As situation demands in Nigeria first Republic which commenced, on 1st October, 1962, the mega political parties in the country tried as much as possible to form two great political parties, based on the assumption of eradicating ethnic regional parties. This is as a result of mass coalition of ethnic political parties to have a National coloration in outlook. The parties that were formed are Nigerian National Alliance {NNA} and United Progressive Grand Alliance {UPGA}. These two great political parties contested the 30th December, 1964 Parliamentary election into House of Representative in Nigeria.
Moreover, elections were not held until 1st March, 1965 in some constituencies in Eastern Region, Lagos and Mid-Western Region due to a boycott in December. The election saw most political parties run as part of alliances, the Nigeria National Alliance {NNA} consisted of the Northern People’s Congress, the Nigeria National Democratic Party, the Midwest Democratic Front, the Dynamic Party, the Niger Delta Congress, the Lagos State United Front, and the Republican Party while the United Progressive Grand Alliance {UPGA} which consisted of the National Council of Nigerian Citizen, Action Group, the Northern Progressive Front, the Kano People’s Party, the Northern Elements Progressive Union, the United Middle Belt Congress and the Zamfara Commoners Party. The outcome of the election results was favorable to NNA that won majority of seats in the House of Representatives. However, the election was marked by manipulations and violence.
Table 2: Election Results into House of Representatives in 1964
Political party
Votes
%
Seats
+/-
Northern People’s Congress
2,168,007
37.6
162
+28
National Council of Nigerian Citizen
1,640,700
28.5
84
+3
Nigerian National Democratic Party
870,833
15.1
36
New
Action Group
494,730
8.6
21
-52
Northern Progressive Front
258,913
4.5
4
New
Mid-west Democratic Front
93,161
1.6
0
New
Dynamic Party
42,834
0.7
0
New
Republican Party
25,831
0.4
0
New
Socialist Workers and Farmers Union
20,347
0.4
0
New
Niger Delta Congress
17,798
0.3
0
New
Independents
128,829
2.2
5
New
Total
5,761,483
100
312
-2
Source: African Elections Database, Nohlen et al. {1999}
However, on 21st September, 1978, presidential system of government was instituted in Nigeria political system. Moreover, the banned was lifted on the formation of political parties in Nigeria that ushered in the second republic. There was a cat race among the politicians to form a political association. Therefore, this parties that were formed in the second republic was not different from the first republic ethnic regional parties. Obafemi Awolowo founded a political party called Unity Party of Nigeria {UPN} and he was the Chairman and Presidential candidate of the party. Majority of the members and followers of the party were restricted to the western and mid-western region of Nigeria. The second republic was characterized with the problem that the first republic encountered. However, National Party of Nigeria {NPN} was also created and most of its members and followers were based in Northern region with Shehu Shagari was chosen as its presidential candidate. NPN won the presidential election and majority seat in the Legislature. Therefore, Alhaji Waziri Ibrahim formed a political party in 1978 called Nigeria People’s Party {NPP}. However, due to internal wrangling within the party, Waziri Ibrahim broke away to form another party, so Nnamdi Azikiwe was chosen as the presidential candidate of the party. Moreso, Waziri Ibrahim founded another party as a result of misunderstanding that took place in his formal political party. Therefore, the new party that was founded by Waziri Ibrahim was called Great Nigeria People’s Party and he became the chairman and presidential candidate of the party. However, Mallam Aminu kano, founded People’s Redemption Party [PRP} in 1978, in order to contest the 1979 general elections. He was the chairman and presidential candidate of the party. The 1983 General election another political party was registered to contest for the election. The new party that was registered is Nigerian Advance Party {NAP} founded by a Lagos based Lawyer Tunji Braithwaite. The party did not win any political positions at any levels of government, because it lacks mass followership and it did not have Headquarters in any state of the federation except Lagos.
Table 3: National Assembly Election Results of July, 1979
Political Party
Senate Numbers of Seats{95}
House of Representatives Number of Seats{449}
NPN
36
168
UPN
28
111
NPP
16
78
GNPP
8
43
PRP
7
49
Source: African Elections Database, Nohlen et al. 1999
Table 4: Presidential Election Results of 11th August, 1979
Candidate {Party}
Number of Votes
% of Votes
Shehu Shagari {NPN}
5,668,857
33.77
ObafemiAwolowo {UPN}
4,916,651
29.18
Nnamdi Azikiwe {NPP}
2,822,523
16.75
Aminu Kano {PRP}
1,732,113
10.28
Waziri Ibrahim {GNPP}
1,686,489
10.02
Source: African Election Results, Nohlen et al. 1999
Table 5: Presidential Election Results of 6th August, 1983
Candidate {Party}
Number of Votes
% of Votes
Shehu Shagari {NPN}
12,081,471
47.51
Obafemi Awolowo {UPN}
7,907,209
31.09
Nnamdi Azikiwe {NPP}
3,557,113
13.99
Aminu Kano {PRP}
968,974
3.81
Waziri Ibrahim {GNPP}
643,805
2.53
Tunji Braithwaite {NAP}
271,524
1.07
Source: African Election Result, Nohlen et al. 1999
Furthermore, the aborted third republic, started when the federal military government under the leadership of General Ibrahim Babangida, lifted the ban on politics on April, 1989. Thirteen political parties that were formed were rejected by the Armed Forces Ruling Council {AFRC} on 7th October, 1989 and founded two political parties namely; Social Democratic Party {SDP} and National Republican Convention {NRC}. These two great political parties were formed and elections were held into National Assembly on 4th July, 1992, then on 12th June, 1993 presidential election took place in the country. Alhaji Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola was the presidential candidate of SDP, while Alhaji Bashir Othman Tofa was the presidential candidate of NRC.
Table 6: National Assembly Election of 4th July, 1992
Political parties
Senate % of Votes
Senate Number of Seats {91}
House of Reps % of Votes
House of Reps Numbers of Seats {593}
Social Democratic Party {SDP}
47.43
52
49.42
314
National Republican Convention{NRC}
52.57
32
50.58
275
Vacant
-
2
-
4
Source; African Election Database, Nohlen et al. 1999
Table 7: Presidential Election of 12th June, 1993
Candidate {Party}
Number of Votes
% of Votes
M.K.O. Abiola {SDP}
8,341,309
58.36
B.O. Tofa {NRC}
5,952,087
41.64
Source:African Election Database, Nohlen et al. 1999
After the presidential election, Babangida administration annulled the election results. This led to his stepping aside after widespread protests and an Interim National Government, led by Ernest Shonekan took power, not more than 6 months, General Sanni Abacha came in through a coup de tat. This brought the uncelebrated democratic dispensation of the third republic to an unresolved end.
However, the death of Military dictator and de facto ruler of Nigeria, General Sanni Abacha in 1998, his successor General Abdulsalami Abubakar initiated the transition which heralded Nigeria’s return to democratic rule in1999. The ban on political activities was lifted, and political prisoners were released from detention facilities. The constitution was styled after the ill fated Second Republic- which saw the Westminster system of government jettisoned for the American presidential system. Political parties were formed {People’s Democratic Party {PDP}, All Nigeria Peoples Party {ANPP} and Alliance for Democracy {AD} and elections were set for April 1999. In the widely monitored 1999 election, former Military ruler Olusegun Obasanjo was elected on the PDP platform. On 29th May, 1999, Obasanjo was sworn in as president and commander-in-chief of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.
In the controversial general election of 21st April, 2007, Umaru Yar’Adua of the PDP was elected President. After the death of Umaru Yar’Adua on 5th May, 2010, Goodluck Jonathan became the third President {interim} and later won the election of the following year, which was largely accredited as freer and fairer election than the previous elections of the 4th Republic. Former General Muhammadu Buhari of All Progressive Congress {APC} won the general elections on 28th March, 2015 after the PDP rule of sixteen years from 1999-2015.
Table 8: Presidents during the Nigerian fourth Republic
President
Term
Party
Olusegun Obasanjo
29th May,1999- 29th May, 2007
PDP
Umaru Yar’Adua
29th May,2007-May 2010
PDP
Goodluck Jonathan
29th May, 2010- 29th May, 2015.
PDP
Muhammadu Buhari
29TH May, 2015
APC
Source: Nigerian President Database, INEC, 2016
1.5 CONCLUSION
Ethnic political conflicts in Nigeria has its negative impacts and effects on the three majority and order minority ethnic groups in the country on the struggle for greater allocation of the natural resources in Nigeria. The implication of the socio-political issues that has affected Nigeria in the negative effect has shown our image in a complicated manner to the comity of state at the global level. Therefore, the ethnic struggles which began before independence has continue to crippled with even development and integration of different ethnic groups in the country to relate with one another in a positive way.
However, the struggles for scarce resources and its allocation possess great danger to the unity of the ethnic groups in Nigeria. This is because political power revolves around the possession of Economic resources and any ethnic group that has the combination of the two i.e. Political Power and Economic resources will dominate the other ethnic groups. So, this is what leads to struggles between ethnic groups for the possession of political power and allocation of scarce economic resources to dominate the other, on issues that affect the development of the country.
The government should therefore create and make provisions for peaceful co-existence among the various groupings in the country. There should be constitutional return to 1st Republic Fiscal Federalism which will guarantee the rights of all nationalities, especially, the zoning of elective offices to the various nationalities in the country.
1.5.REFERENCES
These references relate to works cited directly in the text. Most of them have long bibliographies which the interested reader can consult.
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Austin Ranny, (1969), constitutional development in Nigeria.
Ayeni-Akeke O.A. (2008) Foundation of Political science, Ibadan, Ababa press limited.
Burgess F. (1940) State and Society; A theoretical Exposition. London, oxford press.
David E. (1965), A Framework of Political Analysis. Englewood: Prentice Hall, 1965.
Chikendu,P.N. (2002), Introduction to Political science, Awka, academic Publishing Company.
Harold Laski (1967), A Grammar of politics, London; Alen and unwin.
Johnson U. Anyaele, (1994), Comprehensive Government, Lagos: Surulere: Johnson publisher limited.
Lasswell, Harold, (1958), Politics: Who Gets What, When and How? New York. World Publishing Company.
Mclean, lain and others (1930) Essay on the evolution of Human institution, London, Methesis.
Mclean, Iain, and McMillan, Alistair. (2009), The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics. Oxford;
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Nnoli, Okwudiba.(1978). Ethnic Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishers, 1978.
Otite, Onigu.(1990). Ethnic Pluralism and Ethnicity in Nigeria. Ibadan: Shaneson, 1990.
Otite, Onigu.(2000). Ethnic Pluralism, Ethnicity and Ethnic Conflict in Nigeria. Ibadan: Shaneson, 2000.
Olisa et.al. (1990), Government for senior secondary schools, Nigeria-Africa publishers.
Okoli E. and F.C Okoli (1990), Foundation of Government and Politics. Onitsha, Nigeria, Africana fep.
Raphael D.D. (1978), The Problems of political philosophy. London; Basingstoke: The Macmillan press
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Robert Jordan, (1978), Power and Government in West Africa, Benin-City, Nigeria, Ethiope.
Afeez Tijani, O. & Tijani, O (2018). A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ETHNIC PLURALISM AND POWER POLITICS IN NIGERIA 2. Afribary. Retrieved from https://tracking.afribary.com/works/a-critical-examination-of-ethnic-pluralism-and-power-politics-in-nigeria-2
Afeez Tijani, Osumah, and Osumah Tijani "A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ETHNIC PLURALISM AND POWER POLITICS IN NIGERIA 2" Afribary. Afribary, 08 May. 2018, https://tracking.afribary.com/works/a-critical-examination-of-ethnic-pluralism-and-power-politics-in-nigeria-2. Accessed 22 Nov. 2024.
Afeez Tijani, Osumah, and Osumah Tijani . "A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ETHNIC PLURALISM AND POWER POLITICS IN NIGERIA 2". Afribary, Afribary, 08 May. 2018. Web. 22 Nov. 2024. < https://tracking.afribary.com/works/a-critical-examination-of-ethnic-pluralism-and-power-politics-in-nigeria-2 >.
Afeez Tijani, Osumah and Tijani, Osumah . "A CRITICAL EXAMINATION OF ETHNIC PLURALISM AND POWER POLITICS IN NIGERIA 2" Afribary (2018). Accessed November 22, 2024. https://tracking.afribary.com/works/a-critical-examination-of-ethnic-pluralism-and-power-politics-in-nigeria-2